Rick Edmonds: The Rest of the Story

Here we go again. I really do try to stay away from these national elections. However, some of these political ads are wearing me out. It’s not so much because of the ads themselves — the mute button can have an amazing effect on your mental well-being. The problem is I inevitably get calls asking if this or that ad is true. And so, I looked at a rather vicious attack ad against State Senator Rick Edmonds (R 8/10). Suffice it to say, the whole ad is complete garbage. You’re not going to believe the breakdown of the bills mentioned.

HB10 from the 2024 Tax Session

During the special tax reform session called by Jeff Landry in 2024, HB10 was the bill to lower the state income tax, with the ultimate goal of eventually eliminating it. It was a major reshuffling of our tax system, and nervous legislators wanted the change to be revenue neutral. That required them to raise the state sales tax rate from 4.45 percent back to its previous high of 5 percent. Initially, those were separate pieces of legislation that were later combined into HB10. We were involved in that debate at the time.

My old English teacher used to remind her pupils that there are lies and then there are prevarications — telling the truth in a way intended to deceive the hearer. Certainly, it could be argued that HB10 raised taxes — but it also lowered taxes. That second part somehow gets left off of these ads intended to smash Rick Edmonds. The additional, relevant fact that it would have passed unanimously but for Democrat Royce Duplessis (D 1/10) goes unsaid.

Yes, every single Republican in the Senate voted for it. That creates a problem because the same PAC running this ad against Edmonds endorsed Blake Miguez (R 10/10) in the race. However, Miguez was among those who voted exactly the same way. So, why is it bad in one case but not worth mentioning in the other? This perfectly encapsulates why people hate politics.

HB827 from the 2024 Regular Session

In 2024, after eight years of JBE running businesses out of Louisiana, newly elected leadership, namely Jeff Landry, began reshaping our state into a place where businesses would feel welcome. Reasonable people can debate the best process and techniques for how that should have been done. However, two years later, we can all see the results of Landry’s efforts in major announcements from companies like SpaceX. That stuff doesn’t just spontaneously appear out of thin air. It’s the result of policy implemented through a partnership between the administration (Landry) and the legislature.

Data centers have become a hot topic lately. As someone who’s worked in the technology field for over thirty years, I’m not necessarily against the idea of data centers. However, I do believe they’re what I like to call “gap tech.” It fills a gap today that will probably be filled by something better tomorrow. The landline telephone and typewriter are perfect examples. Just for fun, I’ll add in public libraries, too. None of these things are completely gone yet, but I think we can all agree that they are experiencing a rapidly declining market share.

And that leads us to the second item on the PAC’s list. HB827, the data-center tax incentives bill, which passed the Senate unanimously (35-0) in the 2024 regular session. Unanimously. Once again, the PAC’s favored and unfavored candidate voted exactly the same way — but somehow we’re expected to think that applying different rules to different candidates is completely reasonable. News flash: it’s not, and voters hate it.

HB456 from the 2021 Regular Session

Now, let’s jump in our way-back machine and travel back to the John Bel Edwards years. HB456, which limited public access to employee information in economic-development incentive records, passed the House 59-38 on a mostly party-line vote. Republicans were mostly in favor, with most Democrats opposed. So, once again, the 2026 PAC focuses on a 2021 bill that was widely supported by even our most conservative, high-ranking Republicans like Beryl Amedée (R 10/10), Danny McCormick (R 10/10), Raymond Crews (R 9/10), Dodie Horton (R 9/10), Rodney Schamerhorn (R 9/10), and Alan Seabaugh (R 9/10). Miguez was absent from the vote, but as a 10/10 on our scorecard, he’d be expected to have voted like the other highly-rated Republicans.

Voters should expect comparisons that apply the same standards to everyone in the race. I did that for you in my recent article, Miguez Stands Alone. Those were legitimate bills where Rick Edmonds and Blake Miguez differed. That’s a story worth telling. This garbage ad instead chose to show you where conservatives voted the same way, and then pointed a crooked finger at only one of them.

The real challenge with ads like this is most voters have jobs and kids and just don’t have the time and inclination to fact-check every ad. These ads serve as shortcuts that trick voters into thinking things are simpler than they are. If it’s repeated enough, people start to think it’s true. That calls intentions into question. If someone is willing to lie, cheat, and steal to get someone into office, what does that say about their chosen candidate? Junk like this ad doesn’t just make the organization that runs it look bad; it also casts a shadow on their supported candidate.

Who is Rick Edmonds?

Certainly, nobody is perfect, but Sen. Rick Edmonds (R, 8/10) has a pretty high rating on our New Louisiana scorecard — in the top 10, actually. Another thing to consider is that he’s also tied for first place with Caleb Kleinpeter (R, 6/10) in this year’s Louisiana StateLens senate rankings. That’s not decided on by just Citizens for a New Louisiana. He authored bills that were appreciated by American Family Association, Louisiana Family Forum, Health Freedom Louisiana, the Louisiana Freedom Caucus, and Citizens for a New Louisiana. This year, bills he authored received 27 cumulative “likes” from a fairly diverse group of conservative organizations.

Someone doesn’t get these kinds of rankings by stumbling over their shoelaces. Although there are some allowances for high-impact votes, both systems primarily rank lawmakers based on their willingness to author conservative bills.

I know what you’re thinking: what kind of bills did Edmonds write? I went back a few years to find a smattering of good legislation he authored or carried from the other chamber. It’s not a complete list, but bill authorship is a much better reflection of priorities than voting. As with my article, Miguez Stands Alone, I identified six bill concepts worth considering.

1. LA GATOR: carrying a difficult school-choice bill across the finish line

SB313 (2024), Act 1 — primary author: Edmonds. This created the Louisiana Giving All True Opportunity to Rise (GATOR) Scholarship Program. It creates taxpayer-funded education scholarship accounts that allow parents to remove their children from failing schools. The bill covers expenses such as private-school tuition, tutoring, educational therapies, curricula, textbooks, and other services. It superseded the previous voucher program beginning in the 2025–26 school year. The Department of Education provides more details about the program at this link.

Our session recap of the time tells a more complete story of how it all unfolded. In the governor’s May 30, 2024 statement, Landry credited both Edmonds and Julie Emerson (R, 9/10) for their “hard work and perseverance.” I was at Our Lady of Fatima Catholic School in Lafayette for the bill signing when Landry shared a few personal anecdotes about encouraging Edmonds during the final push to pass it.

2. St. George: helping a community govern itself

SB423 (2020), Act 361 — Senate author: then-Sen. Bodi White (R 6/10); House coauthor and floor handler: then-Rep. Edmonds. For decades, the St. George area had determined that it could govern itself more effectively locally than the consolidated Baton Rouge city-parish government could. The city’s incorporation came through a petition, voter approval in October 2019, and litigation culminating in the Louisiana Supreme Court’s April 26, 2024 decision.

The later school-system effort: Edmonds also authored SB25 and SB234 in 2025, proposing constitutional authority and a conditional framework for a separate St. George school system. Voters ultimately rejected the required constitutional amendment on May 16, 2026.

3. Education to a good job

SB522 (2026), Act 393 — vocational and technical charter schools. Edmonds’s bill allows qualifying vocational and technical charter proposals to go directly to BESE for Type 2 approval rather than seeking local school board approval first. An application must identify the economic sector and the training aligned with high-demand, high-wage jobs.

SB305 (2026), Act 99 — showing families where a degree can lead. This directs the Board of Regents, Louisiana Works, and other agencies to coordinate on a public dashboard to help students identify a profitable career path. It includes factors such as wages and correlations between degree programs and high-demand jobs. The agencies must also collect and analyze opportunities for internships and apprenticeships.

More information is available from the Regents career-alignment task force website.

4. Protecting children as the threats change

SB42 (2026), Act 892 — AI-generated child sexual abuse material. The bill updates Louisiana’s existing criminal statute to cover electronic or digitally generated images, including AI, that are virtually indistinguishable from a child under 17 in a sexual performance.

SB83 (2026), Act 737 — recognizing trafficking victims and connecting them to help. Beginning in the 2026–27 school year, public schools and charter schools are supposed to pay closer attention to and report any signs of human trafficking. In short, a trained adult at each school should be able to recognize exploitation and know how to report it.

5. Giving schools access to security expertise

SB450 (2026), Act 901 — school assessments and statewide threat information. This allows schools to request a physical security assessment from the Louisiana Fusion Center. The bill also makes it easier to implement report recommendations through school-security grants.

6. A pastor’s concern: the freedom to worship

SB306 (2026), Act 379 — obstruction of worship. A congregation should be able to worship without being threatened, blocked, or deliberately disrupted. A first offense has a fine up to $2,500, imprisonment of 15 days to six months, or both. Repeat offenses or bodily injury carry higher penalties and can trigger provisions for hard labor. Also, anyone knowingly financing a violation is covered, too.

The Rest of the Story

Everyone hates political ads, and for good reason. That’s why I wanted you to look beyond the three bills featured in this particular advertisement. Two of them received identical votes from Rick Edmonds and Blake Miguez. On the third, Edmonds voted with top-tier conservatives, while Miguez was absent. That’s a big problem for an advertisement that’s supposed to be contrasting candidates.

To me, though, the legislation lawmakers introduce, the issues they pursue, and the votes they cast on consequential bills all provide a better measure than a political ad. Conservative voters have jobs, families, and responsibilities that don’t leave much time for researching legislative records. That’s understandable. But political advertisements are no substitute for that research, especially when everyone knows ads like this omit facts to control how voters interpret the claims.

Never forget that there’s always more to the story. You’re here because you’re the kind of voter who wants all the facts — and I, for one, am glad you’re paying attention.

###